HomeInternational AffairsOn Trump and Iran, Europeans Are All for One, Each to Their...

On Trump and Iran, Europeans Are All for One, Each to Their Own

European countries are charting a course amid the war in Iran that combines institutional multilateralism with realist bilateralism.

ROME — From Paris to Berlin, and from Madrid to Rome, European media coverage in recent days reflects a continent recalibrating its strategic posture. Indeed, headlines suggest that a dramatic reordering of transatlantic relations is under way.

The shifts come amid rising tensions over the U.S.-Israel war in Iran and Europe’s reluctance to become entangled in the conflict.

One of the clearest signals yet of this widening breach involves a French container vessel that reportedly passed through the Strait of Hormuz, the strategic waterway through which up to 20% of the world’s oil supply passes, on April 2.

Iran abruptly shut the strait through a combination of drone strikes, threats and sea mines after initial U.S.-Israeli attacks at the outset of the war, now in its second month.

Japanese authorities are said to be pursuing similar arrangements as those of France.

While not yet fully confirmed by official communiqués, European press coverage treats the developments as plausible extensions of ongoing backchannel diplomacy between Europe’s leaders and Iranian authorities.

‘A new order’

The developments come on the heels of remarks by President Trump during an April 1 national address suggesting the United States could abandon its traditional security guarantees under NATO while urging European nations to “get their own oil” from the Strait of Hormuz.

Trump also repeated threats to destroy Iran’s civilian infrastructure — including bridges and power plants — unless it reopens the Strait during an April 6 press conference. Such attacks would constitute war crimes under international law.

“Every bridge in Iran will be decimated by 12 o’clock tomorrow night, where every power plant in Iran will be out of business, burning, exploding and never to be used again,” said the president, who has several times now extended previous deadlines set for the strait’s reopening.

Responding to the unfolding crisis, French President Emmanuel Macron declared in remarks directed toward South Korea and reported widely across European media, “We should not be passive in this new disorder. We have to build a new order.”

Macron’s language — echoed in editorials from France’s Le Monde to Italy’s La Repubblica is being interpreted as a call for strategic autonomy, not merely crisis management.

In Italy, a rebuke of Trump-era policies

In Italy, meanwhile, Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni has embarked on a series of high-level visits across the Middle East with the goal of securing bilateral guarantees on oil and gas supplies amid fears of disruption in the Gulf.

At the same time, Italy’s Domani reports that Rome has quietly signaled limits to its alignment with Washington. Italian authorities reportedly declined U.S. requests to utilize the Naval Air Station Sigonella — a move laden with historical resonance.

The base was the site of the 1985 Sigonella crisis, when then–Prime Minister Bettino Craxi ordered Italian forces to block a U.S. aircraft attempting to transfer a Palestinian suspect. That standoff marked a rare assertion of European sovereignty against American pressure — an episode now frequently invoked in Italian commentary as a precedent for today’s tensions.

Complicating Meloni’s position is her recent failed referendum on judicial reforms. Italian media, including La Stampa and Il Fatto Quotidiano, frame the defeat not only as a constitutional rebuke but also as a broader rejection of her perceived alignment with Trump-era policies and support for Israeli military actions in Iran.

Scramble to secure energy

Spain has taken a more overtly oppositional stance. According to reports in El País, Madrid denied U.S. military aircraft access to its airspace for operations linked to Middle Eastern deployments. The decision has been framed domestically as a defense of international law and a refusal to be drawn into escalation.

Trump responded by threatening to cut all trade with Madrid, calling Spain a “loser” and a

In Germany, Der Spiegel and Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung describe a government pursuing a dual strategy: reinforcing EU-level energy coordination while expanding direct agreements with Gulf producers. Berlin is also reportedly accelerating contingency planning for maritime security independent of U.S. naval leadership.

Similarly, Netherlands outlets such as DutchNews/NL Times report increased Dutch participation in European-led maritime surveillance missions, alongside quiet diplomatic outreach to regional energy suppliers.

A ‘double track’ strategy

What emerges from this patchwork of national responses is a broader European doctrine — one that combines institutional multilateralism with realist bilateralism. European leaders are emphasizing cooperation through EU mechanisms and international law, while calls for mediation, de-escalation, and new frameworks for global governance are gaining prominence, particularly in Paris and Brussels.

At the same time, individual states are pursuing direct deals with energy-producing nations to secure immediate national interests. Italy’s outreach, France’s reported arrangement with Iran, and Germany’s supplier diversification all move in this direction.

According to Meig Highlights this “double track” approach reflects both necessity and ambition: Europe is attempting to hedge against U.S. unpredictability while laying groundwork for a more autonomous and durable geopolitical role.

Waning American leadership

A recurring question in European commentary since 2025 has been whether Trump’s rhetoric is producing the opposite of its intended effect. Rather than fracturing Europe, his remarks appear — particularly at this historical junction — to be accelerating the continent’s integration on defense and energy policy.

Editorials across Le Monde, El País, and Die Zeit suggest that external pressure is strengthening the hand of pro-European institutions while weakening nationalist movements traditionally skeptical of EU cohesion.

Officials in Brussels, for example, are increasingly critical of Hungarian leader Viktor Orbán, whose positions are widely portrayed in European media as aligned with both Moscow and Trump-era Washington. Commentators in Politico Europe and Euronews describe Orbán as a disruptive force — complicating efforts to present a unified European response at a moment of external pressure.

In Italy, Meloni’s referendum defeat is being interpreted by many analysts as evidence that close alignment with Washington may carry domestic political costs.

Europe is not abandoning the United States — but it is definitively preparing for a world in which American leadership is waning and less reliable. The emerging strategy is neither purely federalist nor purely nationalist. It is a hybrid: coordinated where possible, independent where necessary.

Whether this moment marks a lasting shift in the global order remains to be seen. But as one senior EU diplomat told Le Monde: “For the first time in decades, Europe is not just reacting to history — it is trying to shape it.”

Feature image published under CC License 4.0

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