The U.S. Census question that may trip up Latinos

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「傑利蠑螈」西班牙語怎麼說?

Pilar Marrero報導/Ethnic Media Services 有些術語很難翻譯,有些概念您毫無頭緒,即使在另一種語言中可以找到相應的詞彙表達,也無法讓人了解。如果實在沒有辦法,您可以請教「德州民權計畫」(Texas Civil Rights Project)的里維拉(Miguel Rivera)。 有一次,里維拉嘗試向父母解釋他的職業,他的正式頭銜是「選區重劃專家」。這個頭銜本身很難翻譯。一般人究竟對它有多少了解?許多人根本不知如何用英語、西班牙語或其他語言解釋它。 里維拉說:「當我和我的父母談到選區重劃時,我才意識到,他們與這個議題脫節的程度有嚴重。我們住在德州,如果我們要推動西語裔社區參與這項與他們的福祉有切身關係的議題,我們就必須在如何解釋這些術語上獲得共識。」 事實上,許多人甚至不知道這個英語詞彙的含義。 它到底是什麼? 在每十年一次的人口普查結束後,包括聯邦、州和地方所有層級的政府,會在所謂的「選區重劃」(redistricting)過程中,為每個必須選出代表的司法管轄區重新劃定政治界線。無論您住在何處,都會成為某個選區的一部分,這將決定您可以投票給哪些候選人來代表您,例如國會議員、州立法議員、縣議員、市議員、學區委員等。 如果您所在的選區住有其他和您有共通利益的人,那麼,您的問題就可能獲得解決。反之,它們就無法被解決。 聽起很簡單,但這是一個長達十年、用來定義哪些社區可以或無法獲得政府重視的過程。它是一個和選舉投票一樣重要的過程,但鮮少為人所了解。和選舉一樣,它需要民眾的參與,才能為弱勢群體保有未來十年的資源和政治聲音。 專家認為最重要的兩個術語是:「選區重劃」(Redistricting)和「傑利蠑螈」(Gerrymandering)。 對西班牙語媒體記者和像里維拉這樣的專家和維權人士來說,這兩個術語經常讓他們感到頭痛。這些人知道,這些概念對德州和美國其他地區西語裔社區的政治權力和福祉有多麼重要。 如何將這兩個字翻譯為其他語言,好讓美國其他社區民眾能夠了解? 里維拉表示,他面對的第一個挑戰是翻譯「選區重劃」的基本概念。西班牙語的選區重劃是「redistribución」,但這對解釋這項議題的幫助並不大。 里維拉說:「為了有效向西語裔社區解釋為何他們必須參與選區重劃的過程,我們必須在如何使用這些術語上取得共識。」 德州「全民聯盟」(La Union...

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Also available in Spanish.

The Obama administration started multi-year research on approaches that would improve data on Latinos of all races, but the Trump administration dropped all efforts and went ahead with questions that will probably undercount Latinos. What you can do about it.

By Pilar Marrero, La Opinion & Ethnic Media Services

The proposed citizenship question in the 2020 United States Census is gone, thanks to several lawsuits and a June Supreme Court decision that rejected the reason the Trump administration had given for adding the disturbing inquiry. However, bureaucrats making the decisions about the decennial count allowed another question — two, in fact — that, according to their own research, will most likely lead to a diminished count of Latinos or Hispanics living in the United States.

Latinos are the nation’s second largest population group and account for more than one of every six U.S. residents. If we don’t get the Latino count right, we can’t get the census right. The resulting data will be used to allocate more than $1.5 trillion in federal, state and local funding, and that is just one of the reasons that accuracy is needed. Political representation via electoral districts is also decided from those numbers.

Giovanny Hernández, census coordinator for NALEO (National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials) recently got a taste of the problem during a training in Maywood, a small city southeast of downtown Los Angeles that is almost completely Latino (97.7%).

“I was speaking to a group made of local organizations working on census outreach,” Hernández said. “I asked them to fill out the census questionnaire just as an exercise. I printed the form and gave them a few minutes to respond. Most people said afterwards that questions eight and nine, the last two, were ‘confusing’ and they didn´t know how to answer them.”

Those questions ask about “Hispanic origin” and race.

Question eight asks individuals to indicate whether they’re of Hispanic origin and offers a choice of possible ‘yes’ responses: (Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban and Another Hispanic).

Question nine asks their race, providing five general categories: White, Black, American Indian, a list of Asian options and a space to write under the open-ended option “Some other race.”

This choice is basically the same format used in the 2000 and 2010 censuses. The problem? According to the research by the Census Bureau itself, a significant percentage of Latinos struggled to answer a separate question about race, and were not necessarily satisfied with the response options offered.

“Many Latinos seem to identify most with their national origin rather than their race, or simply do not identify with any of the options given,” Hernández said. According to a report by NALEO, based on government data, “between 2000 and 2010, the population classified as ‘Some other race’ grew by one-quarter. By 2010, 6% of all decennial census respondents – 19.1 million people – identified themselves as “Some other race,” and 97% of those 19.1 million individuals were Latino.”

In fact, in the 2010 Census, more than 43% of Latinos chose “Some other race” or did not answer the race question at all. In 2000, 48% identified as “white” and in 2010, 53% did so.

Research and a change of heart

In 2014, the Obama administration started working on a change to the census language that would have moved the needle in the right direction: a combined “Hispanic-origin” and race question offering a variety of options to self-identify. The extensive research found that a combined question increased the response level by Latinos in general. “Some other race” responses also declined dramatically.

The Census Bureau initially recommended a combined race and Hispanic origin question and were joined by many advocacy groups in that recommendation, Hernández said.

The question would have asked: Which categories describe person X? The respondent could choose as many of the eight choices as seemed fitting: White; Hispanic, Latino or Spanish; Black or “African Am.”; Asian; American Indian or Alaska Native; Middle Eastern or North African; Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander; and “some other race, ethnicity or origin.”

Those eight categories each also included from three to six subcategories to choose from. For instance, in the second category, people could specify Mexican, Salvadoran, Puerto Rican, Dominican, Cuban or Colombian roots. Additionally, there was space to write in other descriptions.

In spite of all the research and positive findings, however, in 2018, when the final census questionnaire was submitted to Congress, the combined question had been abandoned by the Trump administration.

Other changes that were tested, such as the addition of the “Middle-Eastern North African” category, were also dropped.
NALEO Executive Director Arturo Vargas said he was dismayed by the decision. “They invested years of research and testing, costing millions in taxpayer funds to determine how to improve the collection of these data … they decided to ignore years of research and the expert advice of scientists.”

“To those who follow this history it feels like the census is being manipulated to dwindle Latino numbers,” Hernández said.

Activists insist that Latinos must fill out the race question “as accurately as they can.” If they leave it blank, the Census Bureau will use other data to infer or “impute” what race they are.

Race is used, among other data, to inform policy on voting, housing, employment, education and health care.

“The potential problem is the flawed data, an inaccurate portrait of Latinos that ends up having the effect of not being able to enforce laws like the Voting Rights Act and many others,” Hernández said.

[/et_pb_text][et_pb_team_member admin_label=”Bio” _builder_version=”3.12″ header_text_color=”#e02b20″ header_font_size=”16″ body_text_color=”#4c4c4c” body_font_size=”13″ name=”Pilar Marrero” position=”Contributor” image_url=”https://americancommunitymedia.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/Pilars-headshot.jpg”]

Pilar Marrero is a journalist and author with long experience in covering social and political issues of the Latino community in the United States. She is one of the foremost experts on immigration policy and politics in the US media world and has covered the issue extensively during her years as a reporter. Marrero is the author of the books “Killing the American Dream” and “El Despertar del Sueño Americano.” In October 2018, she was selected by her peers at CCNMA (Latino Journalists of California), as Latina Journalist of the Year.

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